What "law" did the North break that gave the south the right to succeed?

Inaugural Address of Jefferson Davis

Delivered at the Capitol, Monday, 18 February 1861

Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned to me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people.

Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which, by its greater moral and physical power, will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office, to which I have been chosen, with the hope that the beginning of our career, as a Confederacy, may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and, with the blessing of Providence, intend to maintain. Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter or abolish governments whenever they become destructive of the ends for which they were established.

The declared purpose of the compact of union from which we have withdrawn, was "to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare;" and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this Confederacy, it had been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and had ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box, declared that so far as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted a right which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 had defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion for its exercise, they as sovereigns, were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial and enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and he, who knows the hearts of men, will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the government of our fathers in it spirit. The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States and which has been affirmed and re-affirmed in the bills of rights of States subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States, here represented, proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is by abuse of language that their act has been denominated a revolution. They formed a new alliance, but within each State its government has remained, and the rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent, through whom they communicated with foreign nations, is changed; but this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations.

Sustained by the consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of just obligations, or any failure to perform any constitutional duty; moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others; anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of defense which honor and security may require.

An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy is peace and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating community, such as the northeastern States of the American Union. It must follow, therefore, that a mutual interest would invite good will and kind offices. If, however, passion or the lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency, and to maintain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the position which we have assumed among the nations of the earth. We have entered upon the career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued. Through many years of controversy with our late associates, the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tranquility, and to obtain respect for the rights to which we are entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation; and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled; but if this be denied to us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed it, it will but remain for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of Providence on a just cause.

As a consequence of our new condition, and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient organization of branches of the Executive Department, having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and the postal service.

For purposes of defense, the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon the militia; but it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of affairs, that there should be a well-instructed and disciplined army, more numerous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. I also suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have doubtless engaged the attention of Congress.

With a constitution differing only from that of our fathers, in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from the sectional conflicts which have interfered with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that States from which we have recently parted, may seek to unite their fortunes with ours under the government which we have instituted. For this your constitution makes adequate provision; but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people, a re-union with the States from which we have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of the Confederacy, it is requisite that there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion shall be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation.

Actuated solely by the desire to preserve our own rights and promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check; the cultivation of our fields has progressed as heretofore; and even should we be involved in war, there would be no considerable diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports, and in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This common interest of the producer and consumer can only be interrupted by an exterior force, which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets - a course of conduct which would be as unjust towards us as it would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. Should reason guide the action of the government from which we have separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern States included, could not be dictated by even the strongest desire to inflict injury upon us; but if otherwise, a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the meantime, there will remain to us, besides the ordinary means before suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of the enemy.

Experience in public stations, of subordinate grades to this which your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care, and toil, and disappointment, are the price of official elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either a want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction - one which I never sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duty required at my hands.

We have changed the constituent parts but not the system of our government. The constitution formed by our fathers is that of these Confederates States, in their exposition of it; and, in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light that reveals its true meaning.

Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of the instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I may disappoint your expectations, yet to retain, when retiring, something of the good will and confidence which welcomed my entrance into office.

It is joyous, in the midst of perilous times, to look around upon a people united in heart, where one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole - where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honor, and right, and liberty, and equality. Obstacles may retard - they cannot long prevent - the progress of a movement sanctified by its justice, and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which, by his blessing, they were able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity, and with a continuance of his favor, ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace, and to prosperity.

 

I read the same basic reasons as in the Declaration of Independence.

Just admit it, Gunther, you are an 1860's-style Radical Republican who believed in high tariffs and wanted to keep the southern States subjugated economically to the Yankees. Clearly, you are bigoted toward Southerners who do not kowtow to your viewpoint.

I, for one, will never kowtow to you, Gunther, I will never kowtow to you and you can't make me. So there!

God save the South!

 

Are you referring here to the American colonies rebelling against Britain? Texas rebelling against Mexico? the southern states rebelling against the rest of the USA? Ireland rebelling against the UK? Zaire [Congo] rebelling against Belgium? Judea rebelling against Rome?...........

All of these qualify under your little "disgruntled folks" explanation.

 

BTW, I almost missed this:
Topic: What "law" did the North break that gave the south the right to succeed?

I don't know of any law the North broke that gave the South the right to succeed. But neither side should have needed one .

 

>>>>>Just admit it, Gunther, you are an 1860's-style Radical Republican who believed in high tariffs and wanted to keep the southern States subjugated economically to the Yankees. Clearly, you are bigoted toward Southerners who do not kowtow to your viewpoint.<<<<<<<<<

But the evidence shows that the south rebelled over the issue of slavery and not about tariffs. When you make the false claim that it was about tariffs, you are just trying to make your position seem a little more ethically acceptable. Now I admit that the war did not start over an attempt by the North to free the slaves, but it did start because the southern leadership was upset by the hostile attitude of the new Republican party in the dispute over expanding slavery to newly formed states and territories. Of course denying that slavery was the root cause of the war allows you confederate apologists to not feel so ashamed of your idealogy.

 

Evidently God did not favor the causes of the Confederacy, as some here do. I, for one, am glad that the South lost the Civil War, and I say this having lived my entire life in the South.

God save the United States!

 

So you would also say, I assume, that God did not favor the causes of the Vietam War and our attempt to keep them free of Communism since we lost that war.

And that God did not favor the causes of our intervention in Lebanon in the 1980's to maintain peace there since we were forced to leave.

And that God did not favor the causes of our intervention in Somalia in the 1990's to maintain peace there since we were forced to leave.

And that God does not favor the causes of poor Christians since they do not have financial prosperity.

You see, once you start down the path that physical results are an indication of God's favor, then you are on very slippery ground indeed.

 

I was taught that Lincoln was not a Radical Republican, but a moderate; that he favored the eventual abolition of slavery with fair compensation to their owners and prompt resettlement of the freedmen to Africa; that he stood for the party platform, which was non-extensionist rather than abolitionist; and that he shrewdly played to the radicals to gain political advantages in making the war appear to be over slavery (making European powers think twice about diplomatic recognition and aid to the CSA), as well as to the unionists who wanted to save the Union at any cost. Let's also not forget that Lincoln recognized secession was illegal and therefore wouldn't have required states to "re-enter" the Union in Reconstruction, since they had never really left. His version of Reconstruction would have been very gentle, compassionate, and forgiving.

Keep in mind that I oppose the Civil War, because it involved killing people. I do think it hypocritical for the U.S. to support self-determination elsewhere, including the right of ethnic groups to secede from their existing governments, considering what it did to the CSA. I also recognize that the South's treatment of blacks and the institution of slavery fundamental to the Southern way of life were utterly evil. Legally, the South may have had the right to secede (although the Supremacy Clause and the federal right to put down rebellions and insurrections makes me hesitate to say so with certainty). So I have mixed feelings.

 

It was basically like the American Revolution or any other war for independence. If one succeeds militarily in breaking free, then one becomes an independent nation. If one fails militarily, then one remains subjugated to the government one tried to get free from.